Address of President Milanović to NATO Heads of State and Government: Destabilization of Bosnia and Herzegovina will have serious implications for the wider region and NATO

The President of the Republic Zoran Milanović participated on Thursday in the NATO Summit of heads of state and government in Madrid. The address by the President of the Republic at the NATO Summit of heads of state and government follows:

Dear Secretary General, excellencies, dear colleagues,

Let me just say right at the outset that I fully understand Finland’s and Sweden’s wish to join the Alliance.

They have proven to be reliable partners and their potential contribution to Euro-Atlantic security cannot (and should not) be underestimated.

But as I wrote in a letter to the Secretary General in May, I want to draw your attention to some serious concerns the Republic of Croatia has in the Western Balkans, more precisely Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Finland and Sweden have applied for membership as the security challenges they face are more than apparent. We acknowledge their concerns. Yet, only a few months earlier, in less turbulent times, this would have been unlikely.

For Croatia, the painful memories of some three decades ago when we had to defend our freedom and independence are still freshly etched in our minds. Perhaps for most of you, dear colleagues, our south-eastern neighbourhood seems to be at peace, with the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo by now a vaguely distant memory. This, unfortunately, is not so.

The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is (at best) worrisome.

Front line states are directly affected by nearby instability and crisis. Thus, Allies and partners that border with the Russian Federation are now obviously more attuned to the consequential risks and threats than we who are farther away. It is understandable that many have been quite vocal in expressing their concerns.

Overlooking Bosnia and Herzegovina, the European Union decided to grant candidate status only to Ukraine and Moldova, without setting any criteria whatsoever. While I welcome the decision on Ukraine and Moldova, I cannot hide my disappointment that the EU missed a unique opportunity to give Bosnia and Herzegovina a European perspective as well. This was a mistake, especially because all delegates and MPs from both houses of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s parliament, had just consensually requested EU candidacy status. Even the B-H Serb delegates, frequently labelled as being secessionist minded, were on board. It was indeed one of those rare opportunities to strengthen the unity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, offer a clearer road to a common future and provide some badly needed incentive along the way.

I am alarmed by what has been happening in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Making progressive headway, as many ‘wishful thinking’ optimists are hoping for, is frankly, unlikely. At best, nothing will change after the upcoming October elections. More likely, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s troubles could easily escalate and the current political crisis can deteriorate even further.

Either way, the outcome will not be good for Bosnia and Herzegovina, nor for Croatia, and for that matter, neither for NATO. Through its past and present involvement, the Alliance has a vested interest and responsibility for Bosnia and Herzegovina and cannot afford to look the other way as the crisis is escalating in that country.

I hope more allies would take a greater interest in what has been happening. B-H Croats are systematically being prevented from electing their legitimate representatives, and are thereby being gradually disenfranchised. Simply put – the election law in the Federation entity has to be changed. The High Representative can do this at the stroke of a pen under the so-called ‘Bonn powers’. If unwilling to take on such substantive issues, in my view, the role of the High Representative will become insignificant.

We should return the policy formulation towards Bosnia and Herzegovina back to the statesman’s level as we had at the time of the Dayton/Paris Accords.

I was a young diplomat as a settlement was being negotiated, and I remember where the success came from. It started with the policy logic which was anchored on the equidistance of the negotiating parties (no winners – no losers). Unfortunately, this is no longer the case for Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today, even many of the states around this table are closer to the Rebecca Wests of the world – picking favourites in Bosnia and Herzegovina – instead of approaching the situation in the country with cool heads. I think this does not stem from the capitals, but rather from their local representatives in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Back in 1995, at the height of the crisis, and even when the international actors involved were running out of ideas, it was through Croatia’s ‘Operation Storm’ that the regional balance of power was altered, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s integrity was assured, and the stage was set for reaching a negotiated settlement. Mladić’s and Karadžić’s forces were not stopped by NATO air strikes but rather by the Croat boots on the ground, after the ‘Split Agreement’ that same year. It was also thanks to the Croatian army that the Bihać enclave did not end up sharing the same fate as that of Srebrenica.

Because of the contours of our geography, we are greatly affected by developments in neighbouring Bosnia and Herzegovina. We share a one thousand kilometres-long border. One of the three constituent peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina are ethnic Croats, most of whom also hold Croatian and EU citizenship. Many have left during the war, others have unfortunately been leaving ever since for a variety of reasons, not to mention a lack of confidence in the country’s future.

I know this is a historic NATO Summit and that the stakes are high. But as we look to help Ukraine exercise its right to self-defense, strengthen our defense and deterrence, adopt a new Strategic Concept, welcome two new members, and adopt a host of other measures designed to strengthen our alliance, I had to draw your attention to our unfinished business in the Western Balkans.

By strengthening our defense capabilities and already meeting our agreed upon pledge to spend at least 2% of GDP on defense, Croatia has been firmly demonstrating its commitments to the Alliance. We have also worked hard to promote our region’s Euro-Atlantic prospects.

All we are asking is that our fellow allies hear us out just as we are listening to you closely.

Developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina have a direct impact on our national interest and security. Bosnia and Herzegovina’s further destabilization will have serious implications for the wider region and NATO. Hopefully, it will not be too late to turn things around.

Thank you.”

During his participation in the NATO Summit, President Milanović held a bilateral meeting on Thursday with the Prime Minister of Sweden Magdalena Andersson.

On Wednesday evening, the President of the Republic of Croatia and his wife Sanja Musić Milanović attended a working dinner hosted by the Prime Minister of Spain in the Prado Museum for all the heads of state and government participating in the NATO Summit.

PHOTO: Office of the President of the Republic of Croatia / Marko Beljan, Casa de S.M. el Rey